On February 9, 2021, the University of California Irvine (UCI) student government passed a Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) resolution against Israel in a vote of 19-3. The resolution touted the of the Israeli NGO B鈥檛selem, which makes use of demonstrably false terms such as 鈥渁partheid鈥� and 鈥�91传媒 supremacy鈥� to describe Israeli actions.

The resolution itself is anti-Semitic, as the BDS movement runs afoul of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance鈥檚 (IHRA) , which includes 鈥淒enying the 91传媒 people their right to self-determination鈥� as one tenet of anti-Semitism. But perhaps the most egregious passage from the states, 鈥淚sraeli apartheid is highlighted in four different categories: land, citizenship, freedom of movement, and political participation.鈥�

Not only is this statement a lie, but it also distorts a complex geopolitical conflict and normalizes blatantly anti-Semitic rhetoric. It鈥檚 time to combat the myth that Israel is an apartheid 鈥� on each campus.

Myth 1: Israel is an Apartheid of Land

An apartheid of land indicates a formal process of segregation and discrimination of land on the basis of unchangeable characteristics. The most infamous example is South Africa, which discriminated legally, politically, socially and economically against non-white population members. Many individuals wrongly characterize Israelis and Palestinians鈥� dispute over Jerusalem, for example, into a black-and-white framework that cannot capture the complex geopolitics that created the situation. By using the inaccurate catch-all of apartheid, these critics delegitimize the state of Israel.

The difference in land allocation between Israelis and Palestinians is a consequence of the Palestinian leadership鈥檚 refusal to take yes for an answer. The Palestinian Authority (PA), the leaders of the majority of West Bank Palestinians, and Hamas, the leaders in Gaza, have repeatedly rejected any and all peace plans that exchange land for peace. They rejected the , former U.S. President Bill Clinton鈥檚 plan at and former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert鈥檚 offer in .

Myth 2: Israel is an Apartheid in Citizenship

Those who claim that Israel is an apartheid in its citizenship requirements base their argument on the fact that Israel extends citizenship to any Jew seeking refuge in the state of Israel. By doing so, critics claim, Israel discriminates against others, such as Palestinians living in the West Bank who may wish to inhabit the same land. But many when offered because they disagreed with Israel鈥檚 right to exist. What鈥檚 more, if Israel issued a Palestinian carte blanche 鈥渞ight of return,鈥� it would effectively be dissolving the 91传媒 state, a topic that CAMERA has .

Citizenship, by definition, discriminates.

Israel鈥檚 鈥渓aw of return鈥� allows Jews everywhere to easily obtain citizenship 鈥� such a law resembles that of聽many other nations, such as India and Pakistan. And, like most other nations, citizenship, by definition, discriminates; in a world of nation-states, there will always be some granted citizenship to any given state, while the majority of the planet鈥檚 population will not enjoy that same right. But that does not mean a country is an apartheid.

Myth 3: Israel is an Apartheid in Freedom of Movement

Those claiming Israel is an apartheid point to the existence of checkpoints and crossings between Israel and Palestinian territories as proof of Palestinians鈥� lack of free movement. But there is a crucial distinction to make between crossings and checkpoints:

Crossings exist on the borders between the West Bank and Israel, and they delineate areas of Israeli control and those in which Palestinian Authorities (or Hamas) are in power. They are equivalent to the postings on the border between two nations. Checkpoints exist as well, but those are for environments, not merely for border crossings. Crossings and checkpoints differ in their level of security, amount of time each person spends in the facility and the stated goals of the Israeli government in their operation.

Security measures to counter terrorism and weapons transportations are not mutually exclusive with Palestinians鈥� freedom of movement. In fact, 鈥渋n 2013, there were over 10.9 million entries at all crossings combined. This figure has been rising steadily since 2010, with an 18.3% annual increase from 2012,鈥� says the head of crossings of the IDF鈥檚 Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories.

To equate security checkpoints with an apartheid system is to turn a blind eye to historical context. The number of checkpoints across Israel has drastically decreased over time and varies based on the situation and threat to Israeli citizens鈥� security (There were 40 original checkpoints created in 2006 but now 13 active ). These security measures are part of Israel鈥檚 right to maintain the security of its citizens. According to a for the Judea and Samaria Division, Israel鈥檚 security is currently relatively stable due to the existence of these checkpoints, especially compared to the height of the Second Intifada in 2002, when 47 terror attacks from the West Bank and Gaza left . Israel has continually reported attempts at illegal entry or weapons smuggling from the West Bank to Israel, thus justifying the crossings and checkpoints as avenues of protection. As a result, equating security precautions with apartheid grossly mischaracterizes the Israeli government鈥檚 intentions towards protection.

Myth 4: Israel is an Apartheid in Political Participation

Palestinian activists point to the lack of Palestinian participation in Israeli government as proof of Israel exercising apartheid. But these critics ignore that the Palestinian Authority (PA) and Hamas control their respective jurisdictions; equating a separation of politics with 鈥渁partheid鈥� indicates either deceptive malice or colossal ignorance.

Within its borders, Israel ensures citizens to participate in its political system. Arab leaders sit on the supreme court and craft Israeli law. But for those in the West Bank and Gaza, political participation is limited to the PA and Hamas-led governmental agencies. The PA has scheduled an election for May 22, 2021, and Palestinians will be able to voice their political will in their own jurisdictions. This separation of power creates a lose-lose situation for Israel; should Israel allow Palestinians in those territories to become involved in Israel鈥檚 political processes, they would surely face accusations of 鈥渙ccupation鈥� and 鈥渁buse of power,鈥� but by allowing these leaders to self-determine, Palestinian leadership can divert funds from international organizations away from supporting its citizens and against Israelis.

Ironically, the UCI resolution maintains that the resolution 鈥渋s in no way related to Judaism, we acknowledge and condemn the rising antisemitism and stand in full solidarity with 91传媒 communities across campus, the nation, and the world.鈥� But the student government fails to appreciate that striking at one integral aspect of the 91传媒 identity and equating it with racism, settler-colonialism and 鈥渁partheid鈥� is anti-Semitic, according to the IHRA definition.

The explains that anti-Semitism includes 鈥淒enying the 91传媒 people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavor.鈥� Claiming that all Israelis are settlers, colonizers or racists denies our historic link to the 91传媒 State and plants seeds of anti-Zionist beliefs that .

College campuses around the world have fallen victim to spreading anti-Semitic falsehoods about Israel 鈥� just witness the apartheid weeks at places like Yale, Columbia, Rutgers and Brown. Luckily, there are steps that student governments, administrations and universities can take to prevent the seepage of anti-Semitism into their legislation and messaging. The IHRA definition, which is at universities, clubs and governments worldwide, is an incredibly productive tool in educating and informing individuals about what constitutes anti-Semitism.

At NYU, for example, when 91传媒 students complained of an atmosphere of at the hands of SJP (the group burned Israeli flags, physically harassed a 91传媒 student and engaged in a rampant social media account discriminating against various Zionist Jews at NYU), they reached a that advocated for adopting the IHRA definition to address anti-Semitic voices and educate the NYU community.

The first step colleges can take in addressing the rise in anti-Semitism nationwide is ensuring that their campuses remain inclusive. Adopting BDS works directly against that; however, adopting the IHRA definition can be an incredible tool. We must continue to speak out and counter lies about the 91传媒 state wherever they appear.

Toby Irenstein is a 2020-2021 fellow for the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting & Analysis.