The past month has seen tragic consequences for many Palestinian and Israeli civilians. Hamas fired rockets from hospitals, schools, and other locations where civilians are forced to remain, many of whom suffered injury or death when Israel returned fire. Myopically viewing these events, critical media report only that 鈥淚srael has killed鈥 or is 鈥渞esponsible for鈥 the deaths of Palestinians. But is Israel truly responsible for these deaths? If something similar occurred in the U.S., which side would be criminally responsible for these casualties?
Criminal law distinguishes between the 鈥渄irect鈥 (or 鈥渁ctual鈥) cause of death and the 鈥渓egal鈥 (or 鈥減roximate鈥) cause. The direct cause is the act that immediately inflicts the fatal harm. Legal causation concerns fault for the harm, and who deserves blame for it.
The California Supreme Court addressed the contrast in the 1918 Fowler case. Defendant Fowler beat victim Duree and left him for dead in the middle of a dark road. An unsuspecting motorist then drove over the body. The Supreme Court held it did not matter whether the automobile inflicted the fatal wound (rendering the driving the direct cause), or whether Duree was already dead (so the beating was the direct cause). Either way, fault (and legal causation) lay with Fowler, because death was the 鈥渘atural and probable result of the defendant鈥檚 . . . leaving [the victim] helpless and . . . exposed to that danger.鈥
Legal causation and direct causation likewise diverged in a Florida case. Defendant Wright shot at a driver (Harvey), who, 鈥渄ucking bullets,鈥 lost control of his vehicle and crashed into a pedestrian. Though the driver 鈥渄irectly鈥 caused the pedestrian鈥檚 death, it was the shooter who聽warranted blame and legal responsibility.
The concept applies with special force to hostage and 鈥渉uman shield鈥 cases. Where police inadvertently killed a human shield (in the 1978 Pizano case), the California Supreme Court observed the armed robber-kidnappers were responsible for the victim鈥檚 death. Someone who 鈥渃hose to put [the victim] in a dangerous place [is] as culpable as if he had done the deed with his own hands.鈥
It is legal, not direct, causation that matters. Where terrorists create life-endangering conditions for civilians, it is they who bear responsibility for the ensuing deaths. Unlike the kidnappers who moved the victim to a 鈥渄angerous place,鈥 Hamas moves the danger to the victims. That, not Israel鈥檚 response, 鈥渃auses鈥 the casualties.
Where terrorists create life-endangering conditions for civilians, it is they who bear responsibility for the ensuing deaths.
Yet media reports not only blame Israel, but also present a running score of civilian casualties (as if it were an Olympic medal count) as the primary information worth presenting.
The count itself is dubious. Amnesty International (hardly a pro-Israel puppet) confirmed that some of the 2015 casualties blamed on Israel actually were caused directly by Hamas鈥檚 own attacks. Similarly, Palestinian reporters are inclined to characterize the dead as noncombatants rather than Hamas operatives, and Western reporters follow suit, either from naivete or fear. it cannot publish the truth free from intimidation; it accepts censorship from Hamas in exchange for access.
In blaming Israel for these human shield casualties, the media ensure there will be more such deaths in the future. Blaming the direct cause rather than the legal cause renders hostage-taking a profitable tactic. It rewards Hamas for exposing Palestinian children to harm (and penalizes Israel for minimizing its own civilian casualties). One might even assign聽some responsibility for these deaths to the reporters who have incentivized the practice.
In blaming Israel for these human shield casualties, the media ensure there will be more such deaths in the future.
Using innocent civilians as human shields is especially sinister because it works only against forces that respect human life. It would be pointless to use children as human shields against Hamas because they would not hesitate to kill them. They willingly sacrifice their own children, and do not hesitate to murder Israel鈥檚.
Media accounts prompt Hamas to continue and expand their human shield operations and thereby maximize civilian casualties. More and more victims will suffer that fate until Western journalists stop helping terrorists avoid blame for the deaths they cause.
Mitchell Keiter, a former law professor, is a certified appellate specialist at Keiter Appellate Law, and can be reached at mk@CaliforniaAppellateAttorney.com. He is also the Founder and Director of Amicus Populi, an organization that appears before the United States and California Supreme Courts on behalf of public safety and self-government.
Who Bears Responsibility for Human Shield Casualties?
Mitchell Keiter
The past month has seen tragic consequences for many Palestinian and Israeli civilians. Hamas fired rockets from hospitals, schools, and other locations where civilians are forced to remain, many of whom suffered injury or death when Israel returned fire. Myopically viewing these events, critical media report only that 鈥淚srael has killed鈥 or is 鈥渞esponsible for鈥 the deaths of Palestinians. But is Israel truly responsible for these deaths? If something similar occurred in the U.S., which side would be criminally responsible for these casualties?
Criminal law distinguishes between the 鈥渄irect鈥 (or 鈥渁ctual鈥) cause of death and the 鈥渓egal鈥 (or 鈥減roximate鈥) cause. The direct cause is the act that immediately inflicts the fatal harm. Legal causation concerns fault for the harm, and who deserves blame for it.
The California Supreme Court addressed the contrast in the 1918 Fowler case. Defendant Fowler beat victim Duree and left him for dead in the middle of a dark road. An unsuspecting motorist then drove over the body. The Supreme Court held it did not matter whether the automobile inflicted the fatal wound (rendering the driving the direct cause), or whether Duree was already dead (so the beating was the direct cause). Either way, fault (and legal causation) lay with Fowler, because death was the 鈥渘atural and probable result of the defendant鈥檚 . . . leaving [the victim] helpless and . . . exposed to that danger.鈥
Legal causation and direct causation likewise diverged in a Florida case. Defendant Wright shot at a driver (Harvey), who, 鈥渄ucking bullets,鈥 lost control of his vehicle and crashed into a pedestrian. Though the driver 鈥渄irectly鈥 caused the pedestrian鈥檚 death, it was the shooter who聽warranted blame and legal responsibility.
The concept applies with special force to hostage and 鈥渉uman shield鈥 cases. Where police inadvertently killed a human shield (in the 1978 Pizano case), the California Supreme Court observed the armed robber-kidnappers were responsible for the victim鈥檚 death. Someone who 鈥渃hose to put [the victim] in a dangerous place [is] as culpable as if he had done the deed with his own hands.鈥
It is legal, not direct, causation that matters. Where terrorists create life-endangering conditions for civilians, it is they who bear responsibility for the ensuing deaths. Unlike the kidnappers who moved the victim to a 鈥渄angerous place,鈥 Hamas moves the danger to the victims. That, not Israel鈥檚 response, 鈥渃auses鈥 the casualties.
Yet media reports not only blame Israel, but also present a running score of civilian casualties (as if it were an Olympic medal count) as the primary information worth presenting.
The count itself is dubious. Amnesty International (hardly a pro-Israel puppet) confirmed that some of the 2015 casualties blamed on Israel actually were caused directly by Hamas鈥檚 own attacks. Similarly, Palestinian reporters are inclined to characterize the dead as noncombatants rather than Hamas operatives, and Western reporters follow suit, either from naivete or fear. it cannot publish the truth free from intimidation; it accepts censorship from Hamas in exchange for access.
In blaming Israel for these human shield casualties, the media ensure there will be more such deaths in the future. Blaming the direct cause rather than the legal cause renders hostage-taking a profitable tactic. It rewards Hamas for exposing Palestinian children to harm (and penalizes Israel for minimizing its own civilian casualties). One might even assign聽some responsibility for these deaths to the reporters who have incentivized the practice.
Using innocent civilians as human shields is especially sinister because it works only against forces that respect human life. It would be pointless to use children as human shields against Hamas because they would not hesitate to kill them. They willingly sacrifice their own children, and do not hesitate to murder Israel鈥檚.
Media accounts prompt Hamas to continue and expand their human shield operations and thereby maximize civilian casualties. More and more victims will suffer that fate until Western journalists stop helping terrorists avoid blame for the deaths they cause.
Mitchell Keiter, a former law professor, is a certified appellate specialist at Keiter Appellate Law, and can be reached at mk@CaliforniaAppellateAttorney.com. He is also the Founder and Director of Amicus Populi, an organization that appears before the United States and California Supreme Courts on behalf of public safety and self-government.
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