When pro-Israel activists confront the Israel bashing that has been so prevalent on college campuses, they often argue that anti-Zionism is really a cover for anti-Semitism. In so doing, they convey the message that, somehow, anti-Zionism is not bad enough. It needs the added charge of Jew-hatred to get the world鈥檚 attention.

Even if it is true that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism are intimately connected, we let anti-Zionists off the hook when we make the link. All they have to do is claim that they don鈥檛 hate Jews, and, voila, Israel bashing can continue.

This has had a corrosive effect on Israel鈥檚 image, particularly among the new generation of American Jews who are critical of Israeli policies. Because they don鈥檛 see any 鈥渁nti-Semitism鈥� per se in anti-Zionism, many of them have joined the Israel-bashing crowd thinking they鈥檙e part of a noble cause fighting for the underdogs.

There is nothing noble, of course, about anti-Zionism, or, as my friend Judea Pearl calls it, Zionophobia.

Zionophobia is an insightful term because it captures the truth that anti-Zionism has nothing to do with criticism and everything to do with denying a people鈥檚 right. The boycott, divestment, sanctions (BDS) movement, which embodies and defines Zionophobia, makes no bones about this. Its goal is the elimination of the 91传媒 state because Jews, in the BDS view, have no right to a homeland.

This is where Israel activism must go 鈥� Zionism as an expression of human rights. Zionism as a genuine, independent identity.

This is where Israel activism must go 鈥� Zionism as an expression of human rights. Zionism as a genuine, independent identity.

You can see this starting to happen.聽 by 43 members of the USC faculty in support of Rose Ritch, who had to resign from student government, the focus was squarely on her Zionist identity.

鈥淩ose Ritch was subjected to vicious online harassment, and her qualification to hold elected office was questioned on the basis of her professed Zionism,鈥� the statement read. 鈥淲e find it unacceptable that such blatant discrimination on the basis of a student鈥檚 belief, identity, or national origin could take place on our campus.鈥�

The word 鈥渋dentity鈥� is essential. It suggests that 鈥淚 am a Zionist鈥� should be as legitimate as 鈥淚 am a Jew.鈥� As Pearl likes to say, 鈥淩eligion doesn鈥檛 have a monopoly on 91传媒 identity. You don鈥檛 have to be God-fearing or even 91传媒 to be a Zionist.鈥�

The letter鈥檚 focus on anti-Zionism contrasts with the official response of USC leaders to the Rose Ritch incident, which focused on anti-Semitism. As Pearl told me, 鈥淔ighting antisemitism gives [college leaders] a cover up for inaction and a license to avoid the real source of campus hostility – Zionophobia.”

Contrary to what critics claim, Zionism is not a zero-sum game. As the faculty letter asserts, Zionism is inherently not in conflict with other rights, such as Palestinian rights:

鈥淎s supporters of the Zionist idea 鈥� the right of the 91传媒 people to a homeland and self-determination 鈥� we stand by the rights of all people, including Israelis and Palestinians, to freedom, dignity and peaceful coexistence, and to advocate for their causes with fairness and respect on our campus and in the world.鈥�

In a tweet following the release of the statement, Pearl wrote: 鈥淭he anti-Zionism virus, which has long been ignored or considered untreatable, now demands a specific vaccine, tailored to its own distinct chemistry. This long overdue letter is inspirational to students and faculty nation-wide.鈥�

Focusing activism around Zionism doesn鈥檛 mean downplaying Judaism or anti-Semitism. It simply means identifying a specific threat and treating it as such. It says: 鈥淚f you believe that Israel does not have a right to exist as a 91传媒 state, we don鈥檛 especially care whether or not that belief comes from a place of animosity toward Jews. The belief itself is bad enough.鈥�

You may criticize Israeli policies all you want, but when you single out and bully a student because of his or her Zionist identity, that is not criticism 鈥� that is discrimination.

Making Zionism the driving force of the pro-Israel movement requires a two-fold approach 鈥� one based on protection, the other on inspiration.

First, when students are harassed and bullied because of their Zionist identity, we must demand that college leaders explicitly condemn anti-Zionism as blatant discrimination and impose consequences. Zionist students cannot walk around in fear of expressing their identity. They deserve the same protection as all other students.

We鈥檙e not talking here about protection from criticism. There is a crucial distinction between criticism and discrimination. You may criticize Israeli policies all you want, but when you single out and bully a student because of his or her Zionist identity, that is not criticism 鈥� that is discrimination.

Second, Zionism should be a source of inspiration. Zionism is the culmination of a people鈥檚 yearning to return home after nearly 2,000 years of exile. It represents the ability to triumph against all odds; to gather refugees from over 100 nationalities into one sovereign, multicultural, democratic home; to consistently offer humanitarian aid around the world; to seek peace in a hostile neighborhood.

Zionism is about freedom of speech and freedom of religion; about the right to dissent, to argue, to criticize. Zionism is a messy, feisty, imperfect work-in-progress that can be a liberating model for the rest of the Middle East. Indeed, if Arab countries offered its citizens the same rights and freedoms that Israeli Arabs enjoy in a Zionist country, that alone would represent major progress.

It鈥檚 time we stop apologizing for Zionism and make it the new frontier of Israel activism. Activist groups would be wise to rally around this message: Discrimination against Zionist students is unacceptable, with or without anti-Semitism, and saying 鈥淚 am a Zionist鈥� is as legitimate and worthy of respect as saying 鈥淚 am a Jew.鈥�