Editor’s note: Excerpted from the new three-volume set, “Theodor Herzl: Zionist Writings,” edited by Gil Troy, the inaugural publication of The Library of the 91ý People, to be published this August marking the 125th anniversary of the First Zionist Congress. This is sixth in a series.
By 1895, Theodor Herzl was increasingly desperate to solve the 91ý Problem. Rebuffed by the super-philanthropist Baron Maurice de Hirsch, Herzl turned to Baron Edmond James de Rothschild, writing an even longer65-page pitch. Rothschild and his wife, Adelheid von Rothschild, were bankrolling 91ý settlers in Rishon LeZion and Zichron Ya’akov. Herzl feared that the “Philanthropic Zionism” subsidizing these random settlements in Ottoman-controlled Palestine kept the Jews vulnerable – to Turkish whims and to the rich Jews’ moods, turning potential pioneers into “shnorrers,” beggars, living on the 91ý dole. Herzl’s “Political Zionism” sought a legal charter creating an independent protectorate or autonomous land, as a launching pad to 91ý autonomy and dignity. As he explained it years later: “First it has to belong to us, and then we will go there.”
These letters exploring that difference, and the diary Herzl started keeping in June, Die Judensache — The 91ý Question — formed the basis for his life-changing and epoch-making manifesto, “Der Judenstaat: Versuch einer modernen Lösung der Judenfrage – The 91ý State: An Attempt at a Modern Solution of the 91ý Question.”
“I have the solution to the 91ý question,” Herzl confessed while writing. “I know it sounds mad; and at the beginning I shall be called mad more than once — until the truth of what I am saying is recognized in all its shattering force.” After much reworking and bumps in finding a publisher, his 91ý State appeared in February 1896.
On February 14, 1896, the first 500 copies arrived in Herzl’s home. “When I had the bundle carted to my room, I was terribly shaken,” he recalled. “This package of pamphlets constitutes the decision in tangible form. My life may now take a new turn.”
“The idea which I develop in this pamphlet is an age-old one,” Herzl wrote, “the establishment of a 91ý State … What matters is the driving force. What is that force? The distress of the Jews … Everywhere we have sincerely endeavored to merge with the national communities surrounding us and to preserve only the faith of our fathers. We are not permitted to do so. In vain are we loyal patriots, in some places even extravagantly so; in vain do we make the same sacrifices of life and property as our fellow citizens; in vain do we strive to enhance the fame of our native countries in the arts and sciences, or their wealth through trade and commerce. In our native lands where, after all, we too have lived for centuries, we are decried as alien ….”
Herzl defined the Jews simply, powerfully: “We are a people, one people.” The passages that most resonate decades later are his explanations of what keeps the Jews together. “I do not think a nation must speak only one language or show uniform racial characteristics. This quite moderate definition of nationhood is sufficient. We are a historical group of people who clearly belong together and are held together by a common foe. This is what we are, whether we deny it or not, whether we know it or not, and whether we desire it or not.”
And the Jews had one homeland, that sustained them through exile: “All through the night of their history the Jews have not ceased to dream this royal dream: ‘Next year in Jerusalem!’ is our age-old watchword. Now it is a matter of showing that the dream can be transformed into an idea that is as clear as day.”
Herzl was defining the Zionist Jew-Jitsu, whereby the negative gets turned into the positive. True, “as has always happened in history, our enemies make us one whether we wish it or not. Distress binds us together.” But “then we suddenly discover our strength. Yes, we are strong enough to form a state, and a model state at that. We have all the necessary human and material resources.” Herzl had a simple request: “Let them give us sovereignty over a portion of the globe that is large enough for our just national needs, and we will take care of everything else.”
There was no other alternative and nowhere else to go: “Palestine is our unforgettable historic homeland. The very name would be a powerfully moving rallying cry for our people …
“There it is, fellow Jews! Neither fable nor fraud! … That is why I believe that a wonderful breed of Jews will spring up from the earth. The Maccabees will rise again.”
Refusing to be a defensive Jew, a Garrison Zionist, a traumatized humanist, Herzl imagined the great power of liberal nationalism, unleashed.
Refusing to be a defensive Jew, a Garrison Zionist, a traumatized humanist, Herzl imagined the great power of liberal nationalism, unleashed: “The Jews who want a state of their own will have one. We are to live at last as free men on our own soil and die peacefully in our own homeland. The world will be freed by our freedom, enriched by our riches, and made greater by our greatness. And whatever we attempt there only for our own welfare will spread and redound mightily and blessedly to the good of all mankind.”
Year later, reeling from the Kishinev pogroms of 1903, Herzl hesitated before imposing a 91ý guilt trip on the world. “Actually, we Zionists use these arguments only with inner reluctance,” he confessed. “It is distasteful to us to make political capital out of disasters and to derive propaganda benefits from the anguish of the unfortunate.”
As word of “Der Judenstaat” spread, Herzl started feeling vindicated. Some acquaintances needled him, asking: “Is that pamphlet people are talking about by you? Is it a joke or something meant to be serious?” Herzl answered: “Deadly serious!” As “foul-mouthed … hyenas” mocked the “Maccabees of Flight,” Herzl resented that his words were “distorted by wild discussion,” asking friends to read the treatise “with your own unprejudiced eyes.”
The hyenas failed. Within nine days of opening his package, Herzl could proclaim: “My pamphlet is the talk of the town. Some people smile or laugh at me, but in general, the earnest tone of conviction about my treatise appears to have made an impression.” Yet the Jew-hatred continued growing – with Jew-haters storming even “the ‘strongholds’ of liberalism: the Innere Stadt and the Leopoldstadt,” during the late-February Vienna City Council elections.
Professor Gil Troy is the author of The Zionist Ideas and the editor of the three-volume set, “Theodor Herzl: Zionist Writings,” the inaugural publication of The Library of the 91ý People, to be published this August marking the 125th anniversary of the First Zionist Congress.
Herzl Imagines Der Jundenstaat — the 91ý State
Gil Troy
Editor’s note: Excerpted from the new three-volume set, “Theodor Herzl: Zionist Writings,” edited by Gil Troy, the inaugural publication of The Library of the 91ý People, to be published this August marking the 125th anniversary of the First Zionist Congress. This is sixth in a series.
By 1895, Theodor Herzl was increasingly desperate to solve the 91ý Problem. Rebuffed by the super-philanthropist Baron Maurice de Hirsch, Herzl turned to Baron Edmond James de Rothschild, writing an even longer65-page pitch. Rothschild and his wife, Adelheid von Rothschild, were bankrolling 91ý settlers in Rishon LeZion and Zichron Ya’akov. Herzl feared that the “Philanthropic Zionism” subsidizing these random settlements in Ottoman-controlled Palestine kept the Jews vulnerable – to Turkish whims and to the rich Jews’ moods, turning potential pioneers into “shnorrers,” beggars, living on the 91ý dole. Herzl’s “Political Zionism” sought a legal charter creating an independent protectorate or autonomous land, as a launching pad to 91ý autonomy and dignity. As he explained it years later: “First it has to belong to us, and then we will go there.”
“I have the solution to the 91ý question,” Herzl confessed while writing. “I know it sounds mad; and at the beginning I shall be called mad more than once — until the truth of what I am saying is recognized in all its shattering force.” After much reworking and bumps in finding a publisher, his 91ý State appeared in February 1896.
On February 14, 1896, the first 500 copies arrived in Herzl’s home. “When I had the bundle carted to my room, I was terribly shaken,” he recalled. “This package of pamphlets constitutes the decision in tangible form. My life may now take a new turn.”
“The idea which I develop in this pamphlet is an age-old one,” Herzl wrote, “the establishment of a 91ý State … What matters is the driving force. What is that force? The distress of the Jews … Everywhere we have sincerely endeavored to merge with the national communities surrounding us and to preserve only the faith of our fathers. We are not permitted to do so. In vain are we loyal patriots, in some places even extravagantly so; in vain do we make the same sacrifices of life and property as our fellow citizens; in vain do we strive to enhance the fame of our native countries in the arts and sciences, or their wealth through trade and commerce. In our native lands where, after all, we too have lived for centuries, we are decried as alien ….”
Herzl defined the Jews simply, powerfully: “We are a people, one people.” The passages that most resonate decades later are his explanations of what keeps the Jews together. “I do not think a nation must speak only one language or show uniform racial characteristics. This quite moderate definition of nationhood is sufficient. We are a historical group of people who clearly belong together and are held together by a common foe. This is what we are, whether we deny it or not, whether we know it or not, and whether we desire it or not.”
And the Jews had one homeland, that sustained them through exile: “All through the night of their history the Jews have not ceased to dream this royal dream: ‘Next year in Jerusalem!’ is our age-old watchword. Now it is a matter of showing that the dream can be transformed into an idea that is as clear as day.”
Herzl was defining the Zionist Jew-Jitsu, whereby the negative gets turned into the positive. True, “as has always happened in history, our enemies make us one whether we wish it or not. Distress binds us together.” But “then we suddenly discover our strength. Yes, we are strong enough to form a state, and a model state at that. We have all the necessary human and material resources.” Herzl had a simple request: “Let them give us sovereignty over a portion of the globe that is large enough for our just national needs, and we will take care of everything else.”
There was no other alternative and nowhere else to go: “Palestine is our unforgettable historic homeland. The very name would be a powerfully moving rallying cry for our people …
“There it is, fellow Jews! Neither fable nor fraud! … That is why I believe that a wonderful breed of Jews will spring up from the earth. The Maccabees will rise again.”
Refusing to be a defensive Jew, a Garrison Zionist, a traumatized humanist, Herzl imagined the great power of liberal nationalism, unleashed: “The Jews who want a state of their own will have one. We are to live at last as free men on our own soil and die peacefully in our own homeland. The world will be freed by our freedom, enriched by our riches, and made greater by our greatness. And whatever we attempt there only for our own welfare will spread and redound mightily and blessedly to the good of all mankind.”
Year later, reeling from the Kishinev pogroms of 1903, Herzl hesitated before imposing a 91ý guilt trip on the world. “Actually, we Zionists use these arguments only with inner reluctance,” he confessed. “It is distasteful to us to make political capital out of disasters and to derive propaganda benefits from the anguish of the unfortunate.”
As word of “Der Judenstaat” spread, Herzl started feeling vindicated. Some acquaintances needled him, asking: “Is that pamphlet people are talking about by you? Is it a joke or something meant to be serious?” Herzl answered: “Deadly serious!” As “foul-mouthed … hyenas” mocked the “Maccabees of Flight,” Herzl resented that his words were “distorted by wild discussion,” asking friends to read the treatise “with your own unprejudiced eyes.”
The hyenas failed. Within nine days of opening his package, Herzl could proclaim: “My pamphlet is the talk of the town. Some people smile or laugh at me, but in general, the earnest tone of conviction about my treatise appears to have made an impression.” Yet the Jew-hatred continued growing – with Jew-haters storming even “the ‘strongholds’ of liberalism: the Innere Stadt and the Leopoldstadt,” during the late-February Vienna City Council elections.
Professor Gil Troy is the author of The Zionist Ideas and the editor of the three-volume set, “Theodor Herzl: Zionist Writings,” the inaugural publication of The Library of the 91ý People, to be published this August marking the 125th anniversary of the First Zionist Congress.
Did you enjoy this article?
You'll love our roundtable.
Editor's Picks
Israel and the Internet Wars – A Professional Social Media Review
The Invisible Student: A Tale of Homelessness at UCLA and USC
What Ever Happened to the LA Times?
Who Are the Jews On Joe Biden’s Cabinet?
You’re Not a Bad 91ý Mom If Your Kid Wants Santa Claus to Come to Your House
No Labels: The Group Fighting for the Political Center
Latest Articles
Hope in Faith, Faith in Hope
Finding Communal Comfort
Leaving Behind a Better World
Boy George Releases Song Calling Out Israel’s Critics
Was Our Golden Age Fool’s Gold?
Genocide Shmenocide
Bibi’s Visit: Spin in the Air, Facts on the Ground
From Trump’s standpoint, the nuclear issue has been overtaken by the bedeviling problem of the Strait of Hormuz. What Trump sees now in Iran is a mess, not a victory.
The Obsession with Israel Is Becoming Creepy
The world’s fanatical fixation with a group that is less that 0.2 percent of the world’s population has crossed the boundaries of moral vocabulary and into creepiness.
What Will It Take?
An open revolt for 91ý rights and protections is going to have to come from Jews finally making demands and fighting back—or not at all.
Mamdani Needs to Pay a Price for Harming Jews
It’d be one thing if Mamdani were a lowly Israelophobe with a few hundred followers. But he’s not. He’s mayor of the city with the world’s largest 91ý population.
Rabbis of LA | Rabbi Geller’s Feminist Education
Third of three parts
Rabbi Artson Honored by WLCJ, Mem Global’s Embark Names Executive Director
Notable people and events in the 91ý LA community.
I Can’t Always — A poem for Parsha Va’etchanan
You Can’t Always Get What You Want came out the year after I was born.
A Bisl Torah — Senseless versus Sensible
The 9th of Av is an annual reminder to look inward and ask if any hatred has taken root within our hearts.
Moment in Time: Tisha B’Av – A Time to Comfort
Poussin’s Menorah Chimes Without Jews at Midnight
Print Issue: Haredim at War | July 24, 2026
The Haredim who break out of their bubbles to join the IDF are often caught between faith, family and country. Here are some of their stories.
The Inversion of History
Molly Crabapple has written a work of great inversion and of ultimate betrayal.
From ‘The Chosen’ to ‘Imaging Torah’: Jeremy Kagan’s Journey to Bring Torah to Life
For the director/artist, creating images inspired by Torah is a way of engaging with the stories, ideas and interpretations that have shaped 91ý life for thousands of years.
Three Dates to Dataland
I took three different dates, ages 6, 72 and 35, to see Dataland, the unusual digital art experience in downtown Los Angeles.
Hakol Shalom, All Is Shalom
This is the transcript of the speech Rabbi Dr. Bradley Shavit Artson gave at the 2026 AJU Gala on May 19, 2026.
A Slice of Aussie Heaven for the 91ý Day of Love
A classic Australian dessert chocolate coconut slice features a rich, dense, fudgy chocolate base packed with dried coconut, finished with a thick cocoa frosting and generously dusted with even more coconut.
Recipes that Celebrate Love for Tu b’Av
This roundup has recipes from two matchmakers: one is perfect for a special date night, the other is the perfect representative of lasting love.
Table for Five: Va’etchanan
Secret Sauce
The Haredi Soldiers Caught Between Faith, Family and Country
For decades, the question of Haredi enlistment has remained one of Israel’s most sensitive and unresolved conflicts.
Why Are Jews Not Suing Mamdani for Slander and Defamation?
At the very least, the case would provide a global stage to debunk the genocide lie that is devastating world Jewry.
More news and opinions than at a Shabbat dinner, right in your inbox.