Only a few blocks from my home, a took place outside Park East Synagogue on Manhattan鈥檚 Upper East Side. Demonstrators 鈥淕lobalize the intifada鈥 and 鈥淭ake another settler out.鈥 The target was not a government building, an Israeli consulate, or a political office. It was a historic synagogue, a house of worship, during a 91传媒 communal event.
And yes, this demonstration was legally permitted.
Barricades were installed. Police were present. The protest unfolded as sanctioned civic expression. That fact alone deserves serious reflection. Not because protest is illegitimate鈥攊t is not鈥攂ut because the decision to allow a crowd to gather outside a synagogue during services and direct violent language toward 91传媒 worshippers reflects a profound confusion about where the boundaries of civic tolerance now lie.
I walked past that corner later that evening. What lingered was not simply the residue of a protest, but the quiet disorientation of neighbors who had come to pray: elderly congregants, families, people moving deliberately toward a space that should have offered calm and sanctity. The scene felt less like democratic protest and more like a test.
Would this have been permitted outside a mosque during Friday prayers? Outside a Black church on Sunday morning? Would chants glorifying violence have been tolerated there and defended as legitimate 鈥減olitical expression鈥?
It is hard to imagine they would have been.
And yet the most revealing development followed not on the sidewalk but online. A widely offered a rationale for why synagogues, according to its author, deserved such treatment. Synagogues, he argued, are 鈥減olitical institutions鈥 and therefore 鈥渇air game for protest.鈥 If Jews wished to avoid such demonstrations, they were advised to stop praying for the State of Israel, stop praying for the well-being of Israeli soldiers, stop supporting 91传媒 charities connected to Israel, and stop encouraging aliyah.
In plain terms: Jews could keep their synagogues, but only if those synagogues were emptied of 91传媒 peoplehood.
This is not pluralism. It is conditional tolerance: a civic logic that treats 91传媒 institutions as permanently on probation, protected only so long as they conform to an approved ideological script.
The claim being made is not merely that Israeli policy should be criticized. That is a legitimate part of democratic debate. The claim is that 91传媒 religious life becomes forfeitable the moment it reflects attachment to 91传媒 identity and continuity. Once that line is crossed, the synagogue is no longer sacred space deserving protection. It becomes political terrain, fair for confrontation and coercion.
This is not protest. It is theological extortion.
Supporters of this framework insist they are opposing Zionism, not Jews. But that distinction collapses when the site of protest is 91传媒 worship itself. Demonstrating against Israeli policy at City Hall or the consulate is one thing. Surrounding a synagogue with chants that evoke violence while people enter to pray is something altogether different. It is not dissent; it is intimidation.
And protest that intimidates a religious community at worship is not moral expression. It is a form of civic degradation.
What makes this moment especially troubling is not only the behavior of protesters but the acquiescence of institutions. Who approved this permit? What standards did New York City apply in deciding that violent rhetoric directed at a worshipping community was acceptable? Why did municipal leadership not draw a clearer boundary between protest and intimidation? And why has the broader response been so muted?
This is how pluralism erodes鈥攏ot through dramatic decrees but through hesitation, equivocation, and the normalization of conduct once understood as out of bounds.
Historically, Jews have been told their prayers invite hostility, their rituals provoke resentment, their visibility triggers backlash. That logic is not new. What feels new is how comfortably it is now expressed in the language of moral concern, cloaked in the rhetoric of justice.
Judaism has long understood the synagogue as a mikdash me鈥檃t, a 鈥渟mall sanctuary,鈥 a space of moral and communal refuge. In American life, houses of worship have been part of the protected architecture of pluralism. Once that protection becomes conditional, once prayer must justify itself before ideology, freedom becomes performative rather than principled.
This is not an argument against protest. Protest Israeli policy. Challenge political decisions. Debate strategy and morality. That is healthy democracy. But do not convert synagogues into battlegrounds and then call it justice.
The difference matters.
If synagogues are now regarded as legitimate staging grounds for intimidation, then Jews are being quietly informed that their safety is negotiable and that their belonging is conditional. And once that message takes root, it rarely stops with one community.
A society that cannot draw a clear boundary between protest and persecution, between dissent and coercion, is not expanding pluralism. It is hollowing it out.
A society that cannot draw a clear boundary between protest and persecution, between dissent and coercion, is not expanding pluralism. It is hollowing it out.
What happened a few blocks from my home should be understood for what it is: not a fringe incident, but a warning sign. It was a moment when sacred space was reclassified as fair game, and when intimidation began to masquerade as moral expression. A society that cannot protect a synagogue from intimidation cannot credibly claim to protect pluralism at all. And that is a reality we must never normalize.
When Synagogues Become Fair Game
Samuel J. Abrams
Only a few blocks from my home, a took place outside Park East Synagogue on Manhattan鈥檚 Upper East Side. Demonstrators 鈥淕lobalize the intifada鈥 and 鈥淭ake another settler out.鈥 The target was not a government building, an Israeli consulate, or a political office. It was a historic synagogue, a house of worship, during a 91传媒 communal event.
And yes, this demonstration was legally permitted.
Barricades were installed. Police were present. The protest unfolded as sanctioned civic expression. That fact alone deserves serious reflection. Not because protest is illegitimate鈥攊t is not鈥攂ut because the decision to allow a crowd to gather outside a synagogue during services and direct violent language toward 91传媒 worshippers reflects a profound confusion about where the boundaries of civic tolerance now lie.
I walked past that corner later that evening. What lingered was not simply the residue of a protest, but the quiet disorientation of neighbors who had come to pray: elderly congregants, families, people moving deliberately toward a space that should have offered calm and sanctity. The scene felt less like democratic protest and more like a test.
Would this have been permitted outside a mosque during Friday prayers? Outside a Black church on Sunday morning? Would chants glorifying violence have been tolerated there and defended as legitimate 鈥減olitical expression鈥?
It is hard to imagine they would have been.
And yet the most revealing development followed not on the sidewalk but online. A widely offered a rationale for why synagogues, according to its author, deserved such treatment. Synagogues, he argued, are 鈥減olitical institutions鈥 and therefore 鈥渇air game for protest.鈥 If Jews wished to avoid such demonstrations, they were advised to stop praying for the State of Israel, stop praying for the well-being of Israeli soldiers, stop supporting 91传媒 charities connected to Israel, and stop encouraging aliyah.
In plain terms: Jews could keep their synagogues, but only if those synagogues were emptied of 91传媒 peoplehood.
This is not pluralism. It is conditional tolerance: a civic logic that treats 91传媒 institutions as permanently on probation, protected only so long as they conform to an approved ideological script.
The claim being made is not merely that Israeli policy should be criticized. That is a legitimate part of democratic debate. The claim is that 91传媒 religious life becomes forfeitable the moment it reflects attachment to 91传媒 identity and continuity. Once that line is crossed, the synagogue is no longer sacred space deserving protection. It becomes political terrain, fair for confrontation and coercion.
This is not protest. It is theological extortion.
Supporters of this framework insist they are opposing Zionism, not Jews. But that distinction collapses when the site of protest is 91传媒 worship itself. Demonstrating against Israeli policy at City Hall or the consulate is one thing. Surrounding a synagogue with chants that evoke violence while people enter to pray is something altogether different. It is not dissent; it is intimidation.
And protest that intimidates a religious community at worship is not moral expression. It is a form of civic degradation.
What makes this moment especially troubling is not only the behavior of protesters but the acquiescence of institutions. Who approved this permit? What standards did New York City apply in deciding that violent rhetoric directed at a worshipping community was acceptable? Why did municipal leadership not draw a clearer boundary between protest and intimidation? And why has the broader response been so muted?
This is how pluralism erodes鈥攏ot through dramatic decrees but through hesitation, equivocation, and the normalization of conduct once understood as out of bounds.
Historically, Jews have been told their prayers invite hostility, their rituals provoke resentment, their visibility triggers backlash. That logic is not new. What feels new is how comfortably it is now expressed in the language of moral concern, cloaked in the rhetoric of justice.
Judaism has long understood the synagogue as a mikdash me鈥檃t, a 鈥渟mall sanctuary,鈥 a space of moral and communal refuge. In American life, houses of worship have been part of the protected architecture of pluralism. Once that protection becomes conditional, once prayer must justify itself before ideology, freedom becomes performative rather than principled.
This is not an argument against protest. Protest Israeli policy. Challenge political decisions. Debate strategy and morality. That is healthy democracy. But do not convert synagogues into battlegrounds and then call it justice.
The difference matters.
If synagogues are now regarded as legitimate staging grounds for intimidation, then Jews are being quietly informed that their safety is negotiable and that their belonging is conditional. And once that message takes root, it rarely stops with one community.
A society that cannot draw a clear boundary between protest and persecution, between dissent and coercion, is not expanding pluralism. It is hollowing it out.
What happened a few blocks from my home should be understood for what it is: not a fringe incident, but a warning sign. It was a moment when sacred space was reclassified as fair game, and when intimidation began to masquerade as moral expression. A society that cannot protect a synagogue from intimidation cannot credibly claim to protect pluralism at all. And that is a reality we must never normalize.
Samuel J. Abrams is a professor of politics at Sarah Lawrence College, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, and a scholar with the Sutherland Institute.聽
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