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91传媒

July 8, 2026

The Life and Times of Zeda Max 鈥 Part 3

Zeda Max did not take well to retirement. In the summer, he would work in his garden, planting flowers, shrubs and vegetables. All summer long he would pull out weeds, check for parasites and water the plants. In the fall, he would harvest the vegetables and cover some of the small shrubs and trees with burlap bags. In the winter, he made pickles that were truly awful and wine that we would attempt to use for Passover, but was basically undrinkable. He could often be found in his basement workshop fixing an old lamp, chair or small appliance. Even though he seemed busy, he still had time to drive my grandmother crazy. He hated to travel and he never learned to drive, so most of the time, my grandparents stayed cooped up at home. They fought often. My grandmother would complain to my uncle Morris.

Finally, Uncle Morris, tired of the constant fighting and complaining, approached a few of his suppliers in the grocery industry. One of the companies, a manufacturer of olives, pasta and tomato sauce, agreed to give my grandfather a job. The company was owned by an Italian family and the factory was located only a few kilometers, a short bus ride, from my grandfather鈥檚 house.

My grandfather showed up bright and early at the company for his first day of work. He was given a short tour of the factory. The foreman then gave him an apron and a white paper hat. He led him to his workstation and explained the job. The green olives are stored in large hoppers and come down a chute. The olive jars are on a conveyor belt. The conveyor belt stops when the mouth of the olive jar aligns with the spout of the chute, a little door opens and a measured quantity of olives along with a bit of vinegar and water flow into the jar. When the jar is full, the conveyer restarts and the jar moves on down the line to be sealed closed and packaged.

Zeda Max was tasked with supervising this operation. There were two large buttons on the side of the filling machine, a green button to start the conveyor and a red button to immediately stop the process. Several times during the day, an event would occur that would cause the process to become unstable.A broken jar, not enough olives, too many olives or a misalignment of the mechanism would be some of the reasons that could cause Zeda Max to press the red button to halt the process. He would then have to manually readjust the flow and restart the procedure. In some cases he needed to signal a mechanic to repair or realign the machine.

Day after day, Zeda Max showed up for work and proved to be an excellent employee. He couldn鈥檛 really communicate much with his fellow workers. Most of them spoke only Italian with a smattering of French or English. The factory was certified Kosher, so there was a Mashgiach, a trained professional who monitors production and ingredients, at the site. The Mashgiach spoke Yiddish and he would often converse with my grandfather, the only other Jew in the plant.

As Zeda Max became more experienced with the machinery, he began to notice certain glitches that were recurring. These problems, he observed, could be easily resolved just by repositioning some of the chutes and adjusting the speed of the conveyor. Zeda Max sketched out a plan. He showed it to Mashgiach who brought Zeda Max to meet the plant manager. The manager studied the sketches and deemed that they might work. He called in the head mechanic and a few days later, the modifications to the assembly line were put into place.

Lo and behold, the new configuration resulted in a lot fewer stoppages and the efficiency of the process increased substantially. Zeda Max received numerous accolades for his recommendations including large quantities of free pasta, olives and tomato sauce, which he gladly distributed to his children and their families.

About one year later, Zeda Max had another heart attack. This one was milder than the first and only required a short hospital stay. The owner of the olive company sent a beautiful plant to the hospital and came to visit Zeda Max. When Zeda Max was ready to return to work, a driver from one of the delivery trucks would pick him up at his house every day so he wouldn鈥檛 have to wait for the bus.

Only a few months went by until Zeda Max was hospitalized once again. This time he contracted pneumonia and fluid collected in his lungs. It was too much for his weakened heart to bear and he soon passed away.

At last my grandmother was free to go to the Promised Land, and by that I mean Miami Beach. She sold the bungalow and moved to a modern upscale apartment which she loved. For me, however, the loss was difficult to accept. The workshop, the quilt with the three bears, the Philco refrigerator and the wonderful aroma of fried varenikis and chicken soup would forever be in my memories.


Paul J. Starr is a retired systems analyst who has lived his entire life in Montr茅al, Canada. On Sunday mornings he is 鈥渓iving the dream,鈥 hosting a two-hour Internet radio show featuring music from the 50s and 60s called 鈥淛udy鈥檚 Diner.鈥

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The 鈥楥itation Cascade鈥 Targeting Israel 鈥 and How It Shapes Public Perception

Millions of parents trust the YouTube personality Ms. Rachel because they assume she exercises care before repeating extraordinary claims and that allegations of the gravest kind that she shares have already been carefully vetted.

On June 26, Ms. Rachel amplified a United Nations committee report accusing Israel of deliberately targeting children as part of a purported genocidal campaign in Gaza. Such allegations represent some of the most serious charges recognized in international law. Yet they were presented to millions not as disputed conclusions dependent on highly contested claims and methodology, but as established fact.

The speed with which allegations like this spread reflects a deeper problem: confirmation bias coupled with institutional amplification. When claims align with what a person is already inclined to believe, skepticism often gives way to immediacy. Influencers, journalists, celebrities and policymakers can become accelerants, not because they independently verified the evidence, but because the allegations appear stamped with institutional authority.

That confidence is often sustained by a phenomenon called the 鈥渃itation cascade.鈥

One of the least appreciated features of today’s information environment is how easily repetition creates the appearance of independent corroboration. Advocacy organizations, including those with connections to terrorist groups like Hamas (such as 鈥淓uro-Med鈥), gather allegations. International bodies elevate them. Media outlets report them. Public figures, like Ms. Rachel, amplify them. Politicians cite them. The original advocacy groups then point back to the resulting coverage as proof that their claims have been independently validated.

By the end of the process, what began as a disputed allegation can appear to have been independently confirmed multiple times, when the same exact claim is merely echoing through different institutions.

This process does not require conspiracy or even bad faith. It depends on something much more common: the assumption that someone else has already done the hard work of verification.

That assumption becomes especially consequential when applied to Israel, where inflammatory allegations routinely achieve global reach and moral weight before the underlying evidence receives sustained scrutiny.

History offers a cautionary lesson. False accusations against Jews did not spread because populations carefully examined the facts. They spread because trusted authorities conferred legitimacy on claims few people had the capacity 鈥 or inclination 鈥 to investigate. The institutions have changed; the human tendency has not.

That is why methodology matters as much as conclusions.

Recent UN reports advancing severe accusations against Israel have been criticized by military-law scholars, policy experts and watchdog organizations for omitting key battlefield context, minimizing Hamas’s systematic use of civilian infrastructure, and relying heavily on sources that cannot establish intent 鈥 the central requirement for allegations such as 鈥済enocide.鈥

Even the underlying data remains severely contested. Casualty figures from Hamas-controlled authorities have undergone multiple revisions involving identities, ages, genders and classifications of the deceased. Hamas’ documented use of minors in military capacities further complicates demographic analysis, yet this context often disappears once headline figures circulate globally.

But they go directly to the credibility of the conclusions being presented.

The report Ms. Rachel recently amplified to millions provides a useful example.

The report focuses heavily on the allegation that Israel has deliberately targeted children. Let us set aside the legal arguments for a moment and ask a basic prosecutorial question:

Do the numbers support the accusation?

Genocide is not merely a moral accusation; it is a factual and legal claim. If children were being systematically targeted, one would logically expect them to be overrepresented among fatalities relative to their share of the overall population. Yet even figures originating from Hamas-controlled sources do not demonstrate such a pattern.

More importantly, there is a glaring inconsistency that deserves explanation.

Within days of the beginning of the war, a United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) report placed Gaza’s school-age population at approximately 625,000 children. Yet a September 2025 UNRWA report cited approximately 660,000 students in Gaza – roughly 35,000 more than at the outset of the conflict.

How can the same U.N. system allege that Israel conducted a two-year 鈥済enocidal鈥 campaign targeting children while also reporting a larger school-age population than existed at the outset of the conflict?

This is an evidentiary question, not a political one.

Nor can the discrepancy be explained by wartime births. We are discussing students, not newborns, and children born after October 2023 do not become school-age within such a short period.

As has routinely been the case with U.N. and NGO reports or claims attacking Israel, basic math and logic do not appear to support the rhetoric.

None of this proves that Gazan children have not suffered during the war. Tragically, many have. And every civilian death deserves scrutiny.

But genocide accusations require more than tragic outcomes. They require compelling evidence of intent. If not, then the Allied bombings of Germany during World War II – which killed approximately 80,000 German children – would support a claim of genocide and the deliberate targeting of children.

The point is not that civilian deaths are irrelevant. The point is that outcomes alone cannot prove intent. That is why genocide or even war crimes allegations require rigorous evidence rather than emotional inference. And when demographic data produced within the same institutional ecosystem appears to contradict claims of systematic child targeting, skepticism becomes not only reasonable but necessary.

Yet this is precisely where the citation cascade is most dangerous.

Once an institution as influential as the United Nations publishes a report, media, influencers and activists amplify it, and before long the conclusion itself is treated as evidence.

Far fewer people examine sourcing, methodology, contradictory data points or unresolved questions.

Serious journalism requires skepticism toward all powerful institutions 鈥 governmental, academic, corporate and international alike. Institutional prestige is not evidence. Repetition is not corroboration.

Five organizations repeating the same allegation do not constitute five independent confirmations.

Daniel Patrick Moynihan famously observed that everyone is entitled to his own opinion, but not his own facts.

Today, we risk reversing that principle.

Institutional consensus is increasingly mistaken for independently established fact.

That concern is particularly relevant given longstanding criticisms of some U.N. bodies for disproportionate focus on Israel and inconsistent standards. One need not accept every criticism to recognize the broader point: when institutions with documented vulnerabilities produce reports carrying extraordinary consequences, caution should increase rather than disappear.

Otherwise, the risk is not merely error.

It is systemic distortion.

None of this places Israel beyond scrutiny. Democracies should be investigated. Their actions should be questioned. Mistakes and misconduct should be exposed wherever evidence warrants.

But accountability worthy of a democratic society begins with evidentiary discipline: corroboration, transparency, context and standards proportional to the gravity of the accusation.

Ultimately, the citation cascade blurs the distinction between what has been proven and what has merely been repeated 鈥 between evidence and endorsement, verification and assumption.

When someone with the reach and credibility of Ms. Rachel presents allegations of the highest gravity to millions, the implicit message is powerful: this must already be true.

That sense of certainty is precisely what the citation cascade manufactures, giving contested claims the weight of consensus.

And if institutional authority combined with repetition becomes a substitute for proof, we lose the habit of asking the most important question of all:

Was the claim ever credibly verified in the first place?


Micha Danzig is an attorney, former IDF soldier, and former NYPD officer. He writes widely on Israel, Zionism, antisemitism, and 91传媒 history. He serves on the board of Herut North America.

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The Yiddish Letter of American Liberty

On July 9, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was printed on the front page of The Pennsylvanischer Staatsbote. The paper, whose name translates to 鈥淧ennsylvania State-Courier,鈥 was an influential 18th-century German periodical published in Philadelphia by Heinrich Miller that catered to the many native German speakers who had settled in the colony.

Four days earlier, the Staatsbote had made history, becoming the very first paper in America to report that the Declaration of Independence had been adopted by the Continental Congress. (The July 6, 1776 issue of The Pennsylvania Evening Post was the first paper to then run the Declaration鈥檚 full text.)

While the German translation of the Declaration now adorned the front of the paper, on its back page was an advertisement for Jonas Phillips鈥 shop on Market Street, hawking its writing paper, striped fabrics, needles and pins, wines, umbrellas and various other goods for sale.

Phillips, a German Jew, had come to British North America as an indentured servant to a Sephardic 91传媒 planter. After working his way out of debt, he moved from South Carolina to New York and became a successful merchant, eventually settling in Philly, where he would found the synagogue Mikveh Israel. Phillips married Rebecca Mendes Machado, the daughter of refugees from Portugal, and the couple produced 21 children (!).

As a temporary exhibit (it runs until Jan. 3, 2027) at the Museum of the American Revolution details, Phillips鈥 store was near the printing office where John Dunlap created the first broadsides of the Declaration on July 4 and 5 of 1776. Phillips folded up one of these broadsides (of which only 25 are known to have survived) and enclosed it in a letter, written in Yiddish, to Gumpel Samson, his relative and business associate in Amsterdam. He also inserted a bill of exchange for 10 pounds and asked Samson to make sure it got to his mother. On the back of the copy of the Declaration there is red, waxy residue, indicating it had originally been posted up somewhere in Philadelphia.

Phillips dated the letter July 28, 1776, and remarkably included the Hebrew date as well, the 12th day of Menachem Av in the year 5536 of the 91传媒 calendar.

The note expressed enthusiasm for the Revolutionary endeavor. Phillips wrote: 鈥淭he war will make all England bankrupt. The Americans have an army of 100,000 fellows and the English only 25,000 and some ships.鈥 (This calculation was less concerned with veracity and more about making a sales pitch to his correspondent to be bullish on investment in America.) Phillips continued, 鈥淭he Americans have already made themselves like the States of Holland [who had gained independence in the late 16th century]. The enclosed is a declaration of the whole country. How it will end, the blessed God knows. The war does me no damage, thank God!鈥

Alas, a British ship intercepted the ship carrying Phillips鈥 missive and the copy of the Declaration. Gumpel Samson never received them. The British, unable to decipher Phillips鈥 Yiddish, thought the letter was composed in code. They seized the note and the copy of the Declaration, stamping them with the royal seal, and filed them away, separately. It is only now that the documents have been reunited and displayed together.

Phillips would go on to fight during the Revolutionary War. He would also petition the Continental Congress protesting test oaths that required swearing fealty to Christian belief and later refused to come to court on the 91传媒 Sabbath in what has been called the first example of religious liberty activism in America. Among his offspring were his grandsons Uriah Levy, a renowned commodore in the U.S. Navy who salvaged Thomas Jefferson鈥檚 estate in Monticello, and Mordecai Manuel Noah, the first Jew to serve as an American diplomat. Phillips鈥 great-grandson Franklin J. Moses, Jr. was elected governor of South Carolina in 1872.

Phillips鈥 letter 鈥 with its faith in Congress鈥 Declaration 鈥 now sits in display not far from the Liberty Bell and its inscription from the biblical book of Leviticus. Together, they serve as twin attestations of how 91传媒 ideas, and 91传媒 individuals, shaped the American story from its earliest days.


Rabbi Dr. Stuart Halpern is Senior Adviser to the Provost of Yeshiva University and Deputy Director of Y.U.鈥檚 Straus Center for Torah and Western Thought. His books include the newly released “91传媒 Roots of American Liberty,” “The Promise of Liberty: A Passover Haggada,” “Esther in America,” “Gleanings: Reflections on Ruth” and “Proclaim Liberty Throughout the Land: The Hebrew Bible in the United States.”

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Searching for the Red Heifer

In a parsha we read two weeks ago, God tasked Moses and Aaron with finding a red heifer to sacrifice. This wasn鈥檛 any ordinary cow 鈥 it had to be perfect, without blemish or defect, and 鈥渙n which no yoke has been laid.鈥In other words, it wasn鈥檛 just its color that made it seemingly unattainable. Moses and his brother were ordered to find a living embodiment of perfection. Of course, in the Bible, anything is possible, and they ultimately identified and sacrificed such a specimen.

The aspiration to flawlessness can be seen throughout the Torah. When God first called out to Abram, telling him that his new name would be Abraham and that he would be the progenitor of a great nation, he was told not only to walk with God, but to be perfect. Changing your name is easy; chasing perfection is an entirely different matter.

But isn鈥檛 it a worthy goal?Think how often we hear slogans such as 鈥淕ood enough isn鈥檛 good enough,鈥 鈥淣ever give up your dreams鈥 and 鈥淪hoot for the stars.鈥

In his celebrated commencement address, Steve Jobs told the Stanford class of 2005 that 鈥溾 the only way to do great work is to love what you do.If you haven鈥檛 found it yet, keep looking 鈥 and don鈥檛 settle.As with all matters of the heart, you鈥檒l know it when you find it鈥 So keep looking.Don鈥檛 settle.鈥

That is a message that the millennials in the audience have been hearing throughout their lives.But constantly seeking perfection comes at a price, and while Gen Z seems to attract the most attention, it is members of the millennial generation (who are currently between 30 and 45) who have been paying it.听

Data suggest that they have less job satisfaction, less fulfilling personal relationships and greater mental health challenges. Surveys indicate that almost half of millennials report feeling burnt out. A comprehensive analysis reviewed 77 separate studies and concluded that millennials struggle with perfectionism more than previous generations. They are taunted by unrealistic standards, and subject themselves to harsher self-criticism. I don鈥檛 think that guilt and anxiety were what Steve Jobs had in mind when he advised those students to never settle.

And Jobs is certainly not alone with his advice.Many of us are complicit.

When my millennial daughter graduated college, the college president said something I think of often. She cautioned the students to never take the first parking spot they see 鈥 a better one will surely come along.

I suppose that鈥檚 accurate, until it isn鈥檛.And while you can usually circle the block and return to the parking spot you passed up, is that also true when choosing jobs and spouses? I doubt it. I am forever grateful that my wife of over 40 years didn鈥檛 hold out for perfection when I proposed!

It reminds me of Voltaire鈥檚 famous line:鈥淒on鈥檛 let the perfect be the enemy of the good.鈥

While the search for perfection may occasionally lead to greatness, an important part of life is learning when good enough is actually good enough.

I play guitar and one of my favorite songs to sing is Leonard Cohen鈥檚 masterpiece, “Hallelujah.”

Cohen labored over it for five years, composing more than 150 drafts until he finally decided it was ready to be released.Not because he thought the song was perfect 鈥 he didn鈥檛.He 鈥渟ettled鈥 and gave up trying to make it any better.

Leonard Cohen implicitly understood a fundamental principle of economics 鈥 the law of diminishing returns.Declare victory when further effort simply isn鈥檛 worth the cost.Perhaps that had been the case earlier than five years 鈥 we will never know.But what is certain is that we were greatly enriched when Cohen did the equivalent of pressing 鈥渟end鈥 rather than 鈥渄elete.鈥

Millennials, and the rest of us, could benefit by learning that lesson.鈥淪ettling鈥 doesn鈥檛 necessarily imply capitulation.It might just mean that it鈥檚 time to move on.

And while there鈥檚 nothing wrong with keeping your eyes on the horizon for that magical heifer to appear, be sure to appreciate what you already have.

Abraham turned out to be far from perfect, but he was truly extraordinary.


Morton Schapiro served for more than 22 years as President of Northwestern University and Williams College. He taught almost 7,000 undergraduates over his more than 40 years as an economics professor.

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Thomas Paine and Haym Salomon and the Power of Words to Shape Destiny

In the wake of celebrating the 250th anniversary of American independence, we should remember that the Revolution was not won exclusively by the 鈥渘ame brand鈥 Founders, like George Washington and John Adams. We should also consider the role of lesser-known revolutionaries, like Thomas Paine and the great 91传媒 patriot Haym Salomon.

Salomon and Paine were both recent refugees from Europe. In the 1700s before our national safe harbor was created, few Jews sought refuge here. There were only an estimated two to three thousand Jews in the colonies at the time of the Revolution. Nevertheless, those relative few left their mark. Although never achieving fame, Colonels Salomon Bush and David Franks and Lieutenant Isaac Franks distinguished themselves in combat leadership roles. More famously鈥攁nd more in the tradition of our tribe鈥攖he greatest 91传媒 revolutionary was financier Haym Salomon. One need go no farther than his statue in Los Angeles鈥檚 Pan Pacific Park to find recognition of Salomon鈥檚 importance. His role in financing the new government and its army proved critical, particularly supplying resources to the Continental army for the final decisive battle at Yorktown.

Like most colonial era Jews, Salomon was Sephardic, though he emigrated to New York from a brief refuge in Poland. He became a revolutionary shortly after his arrival, joining the local chapter of the Sons of Liberty. Salomon and his revolutionary brethren owed much to Paine whose landmark pamphlet 鈥淐ommon Sense鈥 was published soon after Salomon鈥檚 arrival in New York.

Despite the 250 years since its publication, its roughly fifty pages remain surprisingly accessible to the modern reader. Paine鈥檚 clarity of speech and his willingness to criticize, satirize and even brutally caricature King George III fueled its success. A clever polemicist, Paine invoked every conceivable argument against the monarch and British rule. Turning to the Old Testament, he invoked the book of Samuel to portray royalty as contrary to divine will. He poked at the legitimacy of 听George III and the Hannover Kings, noting their descent from William I, 鈥渁 French bastard.鈥 He cited the unnatural condition of a small island like Britain holding sway over a large continent. Most importantly, Paine repeatedly asserted the inevitability of American independence and the need to avoid passing the pain of the struggle for liberty to future generations.

A modern reader, considering Paine鈥檚 appeal to generational responsibility, can only ponder what he might think of our current national debt, our budget deficit, and the failure to address the threat of global warming.

Given the outrageous political rhetoric of our time, a modern reader may struggle to 听appreciate Paine鈥檚 stark departure from the genteel and respectful tone more typical of his age. Still, we should appreciate the opportunity to read the very words that inspired the Founders as well as the rank and file to the cause of liberty. In a tribute to Paine鈥檚 ability to capture the revolutionary moment, his pamphlet 鈥渨ent viral鈥 in colonial terms, selling over 120,000 copies in a few months.

Still, we should appreciate the opportunity to read the very words that inspired the Founders as well as the rank and file to the cause of liberty.

Though Common Sense contributed enough for a lifetime, Paine did not stop there. His set of essays, 鈥淭he American Crisis,鈥 boosted morale during some of the darkest hours of the Revolution. Essay number one began with the immortal line, 鈥淭hese are the times that try men鈥檚 souls.鈥 The collection was published during the bitter winter of 1776, and Washington found Paine鈥檚 exhortation to overcome patriot sufferings so moving that he ordered it read to his troops. A few days later, early in the morning after Christmas, the impassioned troops crossed the icy Delaware river and overwhelmed the surprised Hessian mercenaries at the Battle of Trenton. It was the first decisive American military victory in our history and forever destroyed the myth of British invulnerability.

Paine left the newly formed nation not long after independence. Improbably, he was elected as a deputy to the French National Convention where he participated in the French Revolution, narrowly escaping the guillotine. Although he ultimately returned to the United States, Paine never regained his former prominence.

As we continue to celebrate these 250 years, Paine鈥檚 career should remind us of the power of words to change destiny. And, with Haym Salomon, we should recall that words often depend on the practical world of finance to help forge a new reality.


Dr. Daniel Stone is Regional Medical Director of Cedars-Sinai Valley Network and a practicing internist and geriatrician with Cedars Sinai Medical Group. The views expressed in this column do not necessarily reflect those of Cedars-Sinai.

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Broadening the Fight

鈥淚f you can鈥檛 solve a problem, make it bigger.鈥

We have all spent the weeks surrounding America鈥檚 250th anniversary being reminded, encouraged and sometimes inspired by lessons from this country鈥檚 fight for independence. But the above quote comes from a military leader of somewhat more recent vintage, former president Dwight Eisenhower, who offers advice for those who feel like we鈥檙e facing a seemingly unresolvable challenge. Many of us have become frustrated or perhaps frightened by the growing scourge of antisemitism that has reemerged over the last few years, but perhaps there are lessons in Eisenhower鈥檚 counsel that can help us move forward.

鈥淢ake it bigger鈥 is Ike鈥檚 way of telling us that the outlines of a solution often appear when a problem is viewed within its broader context. And what problem could be bigger than antisemitism?

We often regard this type of noxious bigotry as our own singular challenge, and we have been consumed by ongoing debates about how and whether to fight back, over the false choice between assimilation and isolation, and the most effective methods to ensure our protection, safety and security. But Eisenhower鈥檚 advice reminds us that the heightened threat of hatred against the 91传媒 people is but one aspect of a much larger crisis in which our society has become increasingly polarized and dangerously divided.

It鈥檚 possible that the best way to effectively confront this one intensely personal type of intolerance is by becoming part of a larger effort to improve the environment in which such anger now thrives. If we agree that antisemitism is only one example of a widespread and pernicious instinct toward division and 鈥渙ther-ization,鈥 then it becomes clear that we can only eradicate these animosities as part of a far broader effort.

Jews are certainly not the only underrepresented community in this country that suffers from irrational prejudice and bias. But even beyond the other minority groups that must navigate an overly and unnecessarily hostile landscape, there is a much larger population of exhausted Americans who are waiting and hoping for a level of public discourse that is more civil, more respectful and more enjoyable than the bitterness and acrimony to which we have become accustomed.

One of the oldest and most unsolvable discussions in the 91传媒 community is over how special we are. Some argue that because we are God鈥檚 chosen people, the challenges we face and the obstacles we must confront are fundamentally different that those of other underrepresented communities. Others maintain that our unique status does not absolve us of the obligation to work with others navigating similar difficulties. But the qualities that make us distinct allow us to lead, and the universality of our goals can allow us to join forces with those whose objectives are comparable 鈥 but not identical 鈥 to ours.

Even as we celebrated the Fourth of July last week, the word 鈥淯nited鈥 that is the most important element of our country鈥檚 name may have seemed almost taunting for many of us. We recognize that we are deeply politically and culturally divided, and the path back toward reestablishing that sense of unity will be a long and difficult one. But the first step on that path requires outreach to those who are different, a tolerance to hear them when they disagree with us, and a willingness to find common ground with those who share many 鈥 but not all 鈥 of our desires and dreams.

Call it patriotism, or if that term itself now seems too divisive, call it civic-mindedness or community-building or any other less challenging language. In addition to our current efforts to fight antisemitism, that will require us to join and to lead these types of broader bridge-building efforts, to be part of projects that create an environment where discrimination and division is less comfortable and where antisemitism is no longer welcome. Achieving such a utopian vision is admittedly improbable, but even the efforts to move even slightly in that direction can be a big solution to the sort of big problem that our former president was encouraging us to meet.


Dan Schnur is the U.S. Politics Editor for the 91传媒 Journal. He teaches courses in politics, communications, and leadership at UC Berkeley, USC and Pepperdine. He hosts the monthly webinar 鈥淭he Dan Schnur Political Report” for the Los Angeles World Affairs Council & Town Hall. Follow Dan’s work at

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Evil Does Not Negotiate

For centuries, the 91传媒 people have served as history’s earliest warning system. Long before persecution engulfs entire societies, it almost invariably begins with Jews. The pattern is so consistent that one might expect humanity to have learned from it. Instead, each generation persuades itself that this time is different.

It never is.

I am frequently asked to explain antisemitism. The question is usually framed as though it were a political problem, a cultural anomaly or a social pathology awaiting the proper remedy.

History suggests otherwise.

Most people do not want the history. They do not want the origins. They certainly do not want 2,000 years of expulsions, blood libels, pogroms, ghettos, quotas, concentration camps and today’s resurgence of open antisemitism across Europe and North America.

They want the executive summary.

During a recent television interview, the host interrupted.

“Give it to me in a couple of sentences.”

A couple of sentences.

Two thousand years of history 鈥 compressed into a sound bite.

It cannot be done. Nor should it be.

Antisemitism is more than hatred directed at Jews. It is one manifestation of a far older and more dangerous reality: evil.

Evil is repeatedly misunderstood because civilized societies instinctively judge others through the lens of their own moral framework. They assume that adversaries share a common moral vocabulary, that reason will ultimately prevail and that coexistence is the natural destination of human affairs. History repeatedly demonstrates that such assumptions are seldom warranted. When one side remains bound by ethical restraint while the other rejects those same restraints, judgment yields to wishful thinking rather than evidence.

The danger lies not only in the existence of evil, but in humanity’s recurring tendency to misjudge its nature, its intentions and its willingness to act.

Evil does not negotiate. It does not compromise. It does not discover a conscience. Left unopposed, it advances. History has demonstrated this with relentless consistency.

Judaism teaches the sanctity of life, and the dignity of every human being created B’Tselem Elohim 鈥 in the image of God. It also teaches that moral restraint is not synonymous with passivity. Ethical societies have both the right and the obligation to defend themselves against those who reject every moral restraint.

For 2,000 years, Jews have repeatedly been assured that accommodation would bring acceptance, that assimilation would produce safety, and that reason would ultimately prevail over hatred. Expulsions, blood libels, pogroms, ghettos, quotas, concentration camps and today’s resurgence of open antisemitism across Europe and North America testify otherwise.

History’s verdict is unmistakable.

Last summer, a first cousin walking along Drottninggatan, Stockholm’s busiest pedestrian street, witnessed a young Hasidic Jew running for his life while three men pursued him, screaming antisemitic slurs and hurling bricks at his head. My cousin demanded that a nearby police officer intervene. According to my cousin, the officer replied, “Why? It’s just a Jew.”

Civilized societies rarely collapse overnight. They erode incrementally. They first normalize language once considered unacceptable. Then conduct once considered unthinkable. Eventually, they learn to look away.

That progression should sound familiar.

The lesson extends well beyond the 91传媒 experience. Evil rarely arrives wearing a uniform or carrying a flag. More often, it appears disguised as grievance, indifference, rationalization or fashionable moral confusion. It advances each time decent people persuade themselves that someone else will confront it.

History does not lack evidence. It lacks those willing to learn from it.

The 20th century demonstrated what happens when evil is underestimated. The 21st century is testing whether we remember.

History has already rendered its judgment.

Evil does not negotiate.

It does not compromise.

Left unopposed, it advances.


Steven J. Manning is an author, publisher, speaker, broadcaster, business leader and son of Holocaust survivors whose work explores leadership, business, politics, technology, history, and the moral, cultural, and intellectual currents that shape civilizations 鈥 and, at times, imperil them.

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